Barre is a sprawling village in the Upper East Region of Ghana covering over 30 square miles. Its 50,000 inhabitants are divided into 6 sections: Bagung, Lakuyare, Sakorit, Sakpari, Tenyir and Yagzore. In the past, there have been tribal disputes between sections that have turned violent, and have been the cause of a death.
Daniel Danka Bonsaligya is a very influential man. He is a father of 9, holds a bachelor degree in science, and is a model farmer. He is the Assemblyman (political representative) for the people of Barre, and during the 20 years in this role, he initiated numerous community projects, including a school and multi-purpose community building.
Danka has just heard that his application for funding from the Netherlands Embassy has been granted. He now has 2.7 million cedis (~350 CAD) for his next initiative!
What better project than the creation of a shea nut processing facility?
Danka has organized women from 4 of the 6 sections of Barre to form a group who would collectively own and operate the mill. Each of the four sections has its own group who have elected a “Mangazia”, or group leader. These four leaders form the executive who oversee the mill activities. The members pay weekly dues and have organized a system of rotation so that each week a different woman is responsible for operating the mill. The duties of the operator involve collection of money and supervision of the millboy (employed by the women to do the grinding). Though the mill operation duties are voluntary, the woman can use the facility for free, and often get leftover flour.
In theory, the system works. The money is carefully tracked by a core group of people who operate transparently. Because they are elected, they have the respect of their group members, and everyone can benefit from the facility.

In Barre, there is conflict and corruption. Money is skimmed off the top of the weekly revenue. The tribal differences create hostilities within the group. The geographic location of the mill favors one section of Barre over all the rest. There is a very limited market for the shea butter, so the women fail to reap the projected benefits that had been promised. Suddenly, there are no group funds to pay for diesel to keep the machines running.
In an attempt to mediate the differences of the group, Danka shells out his own money to pay for diesel until the group can sort out its issues. In time, the group dissolves.
The year is 1996:
The derelict machines sit in a room collecting dust.
The year is 2007:
Here is a picture of the machines today:
I asked Danka about the condition of the machines. “With a little love, they can be brought back to life”. He spoke of the communities’ great intention to make use of the facility and the community funds available to resurrect the machines, but added that one has stepped up to initiate the project.So here I am, a naive little girl, attempting to do development work. I’m standing in the middle of a dilapidated building staring at the skeletons of machines, that one might have called “appropriate technology” in an earlier life. What went wrong? Could the supposed “appropriate technology” really be considered appropriate? What was the REAL problem for the Yinnrib Women’s Association?




